WHY PENTECOSTAL? A LOOK AT THE PHENOMENON OF RAPID PENTECOSTAL GROWTH IN LATIN AMERICA
By Allison Kidd Covington
Department of Anthropology
Faculty Mentor: Stephen M. Striffler
Department of Anthropology
Abstract
I first got the idea for my thesis studying Spanish in Costa Rica in the fall of 2006. Not long after I arrived at my host family's home, my host mother asked me whether or not I was "evangélica". I was somewhat confused by this question because it went against my previous assumption that the majority of Latin Americans-or at least Latin American Christians-were Catholic. Knowing a minimal amount of Spanish and very little about the culture, I answered yes, essentially translating "evangélica" as "Protestant". I would soon learn, however, that the term "evangélica" had much deeper meaning and held quite different connotations to my host mother and to many other Latin Americans than my definition of Protestant did to me.
I quickly began to grasp the difference between the Latin American understanding of "evangélica" and my own understanding of Protestant as I regularly attended church with my family. On my third Sunday, a revival preacher visited the church. He stood before the lively crowd, yelling in people's faces, "más, más, más!" as they commenced falling to the ground unconscious, where fellow worshippers quickly covered them in blankets. These experiences, combined with dozens of similar ones, caught my attention and inspired my research on the Pentecostal Church's immense growth throughout Latin America. I soon found out that when she said "evangélica", my host mother was not referring to being Baptist, Methodist, Presbyterian or most other mainstream Protestant denominations. She was referring instead to the relatively new wave of charismatic and Pentecostal churches that have begun to overtake Latin America at an astounding rate.
Ultimately, this paper seeks to explain why the Pentecostal Church experienced such a huge and unprecedented growth spurt in the mid to late twentieth century. Why was Pentecostalism so attractive to Latin Americans at this specific point in history? In order to answer this question, I first looked at general characteristics of the Pentecostal Church. What are the major beliefs, practices, and theological stances of Pentecostalism throughout history and in present-day Latin America? Although Pentecostal churches vary greatly from one another, I was able to deduce several overarching qualities that can be applied to the vast majority of Pentecostal congregations: an emphasis on the power of the Holy Spirit in each believer's life; speaking in tongues; healing; and the importance of missions and community outreach. This is by no means a comprehensive list, and there are certainly Pentecostal churches that cannot be described by the above characteristics. For the purpose of this paper, however, it is important to define what exactly is meant by Pentecostal, and the previously mentioned aspects appear to be the most inclusive.
Having defined the term "Pentecostal", I explored various social and political stimuli for the movement's growth, keeping in mind the political turmoil that existed in the latter half of the twentieth century. Interestingly, some of the countries that experienced the most political upheaval at this time (e.g. Chile, Guatemala, Brazil) simultaneously experienced substantial Pentecostal growth. Two important social stimuli for Pentecostal growth have been the rights of both women and minority groups. Pentecostal congregations generally believe in the priesthood of all believers, or the idea that each believer, regardless of gender or social status, is equipped by the Holy Spirit to perform a vital role within the church.
The Pentecostal Church has served both as a haven to people who have been given a low position in society, as well as a place of empowerment. In general, Pentecostalism has given the masses a socially-acceptable mode of empowering themselves to live in their own society, while at the same time maintaining a degree of separation from it. In societies where the governments and social structures have been feeble, unpredictable, and in many cases threatening, Pentecostalism has given marginalized peoples a culturally-appropriate place of refuge and a vehicle for change. It has similarly served to forge new identities for individuals who have felt a sense of "social anomie" (a sense that one does not belong, or a lack of clear identity). As Latin Americans have been forced to relocate to urban areas or even the United States in search of work and/or safety, they have struggled to establish new identities. Pentecostalism has been the solution for many Latin Americans in these types of situations, giving them a community in which to be involved.
One of the last, and perhaps most important, questions that I address involves the Catholic Church. If it has held such a strong religious monopoly since the arrival of the Spanish in the sixteenth century, then why is its growth suddenly paling in comparison to that of the Pentecostal Church? The general conclusion to which my research led me was that the Catholic Church simply did not change to meet the needs of a changing society. While Pentecostal congregations consistently adhered to the priesthood of all believers, Catholic churches continued to be hindered by their hierarchical structures, which provided the marginalized peoples no refuge from their daily struggles. The Pentecostal Church has placed considerably more power in the hands of the lay people and less in the hands of one authority figure. It is also known for its worship styles, being more oral and spontaneous in nature than the liturgies and formulaic prayers of many Catholic churches. Ultimately, Pentecostalism has molded itself to fit society, while at the same time offering a shelter from society's ills.
For full text of this article, please click here.